In the years between 2006-2007 Australia’s
series of the Ashes, a variety of commentators suggested pace bowler Glenn
McGrath, aged 36, had become too old to endure such outstanding records in
bowling (Mitchell, 2013). Comparable comments were said on the economic
performance of the effected ageing population on Australia, that its growth
performance could not be sustained as the age distribution shift increases.
This essay investigates claims of the consequences of the ageing population by examining
economic and productivity growth, whilst analyzing these changes and challenges
have in terms of economic policy.
Over the course of the 21st century,
Australia is experiencing an increase in age due to a fertility rate decrease
and an increase in life expectancy (Treasury 2014, p.98).
Migration can improve the situation due to migrants being more youthful than
the residential population of Australia (Treasury 2014, p.99). Migrants can
decrease the rate of ageing as the distributed projection by the Australian
Bureau of Statistics (2015) shows, by presenting an conducted agency of future
age Australian citizens under a variety of scenarios in demographic conditions
(ABS 2015, pp.154), these are further presented realistically in below
Appendix. While figure 3 and 2 provide projections on the projected assumptions
of ‘Series C’ And ‘Series B’, figure 1 presents projections that of ‘Series A’.
Each projection makes it clearer that all three assumptions set the
distribution of age in terms of the population of Australia shifting forward in
favor of the elderly. Perhaps metaphorically, the distribution of
age will start to represent the coffin shape (Productivity Commission, 2013).
The query for the economic future policy is to assist the economic anticipated
effects of such changes. It’s the response of policy and economic effect this
essay will attempt to examine. The labor market is the first most important
area affected area Figure 1 (ABS 2015, pp.157).
The ageing population effects will be more directly affected in the labour market. While fertility rates decrease, the increase in the working-age population will decline, leading to reduced supply of labour and the restriction of potential growth in the Australian economy. Reflect on Figure 4 presenting projected and historical rate of growth (Productivity Commission 2014, pp.85) of the individuals working age (inclusive 64 to 15). The annual growth of the aged individuals from the 64 to 15 inclusive, decreased between 0.8% 2007, to 2% 1980 and has been projected to decrease furthermore 0.15% 2051 from 0.43% 2021.
Such changes are speculated in the
projected growth in ‘dependency ratio’ aged to working mapped throughout figure
5. The effect of ageing is further expected to generate the rate of
participation leading to a decline from 2046-47 57% to 2005-2006 from 64.5%.
The Productivity Commissions (2014, p.86) illustration, of which figure 6 has
adapted, the impact of expected ageing on the rate of participation rate
illustrates a decline in the general supply of labour in Australia.
Labour supply decline will decrease such
potential growth in the economy of Australia. Australia’s economy as the
population ages is expected to have lowered rate of economic growth. The data
presented by the Productivity Commission (2014, p. 139) in Figure 7 estimates
the ageing per capita effect. Hence, growth decomposing population changes
productivity and participation, by means of a smaller influence on
participation and population growth (labour supply increase), the GPD (Gross
domestic product) per person growth rate should be mainly an operation of
productivity increase.
The main challenges lie within
participation improvement and further improving unmeasured and measured (volunteering
for example) of those higher than the age of retirement in the market labour to
relieve the consistent decrease in labour supply. A generic suggestion is to
raise the age of retirement. Whereas, this contradicts the reality of politics.
The more rather practical method would be to develop more flexibility in the
relations industrial system, suitable aged-care support, of which enables
providers to enroll in the workforce (‘Hogan Review’, 2005), and the
establishment of enticements to encourage individuals that are older than 65 to
work under superannuation benefits and conditional health. In encouraging older
individuals to enroll back into the workforce, to disapprove any notion becomes
a challenge in terms of participation within said workforce are respectively
private to life in retirement. Additionally, potential resides within improving
participation of women within the workforce to ease decline in labour supply
(Economics and Finance 2013, p.54). In contradiction to mend the aged-care issue,
the can involve the possibility of access childcare improvements. Furthermore in regards to reduced growth in
the supply of labour, striking age-composition in the labour market can change
over the course of time. Demonstrated in Figure 8, the decades of which have
converged over time, have been separated by the percentage of labour force.
Sudden on the adjustments on productivity
impacting net percentage are unclear, due to uncertainty about
counterbalancing factors affecting productivity percentages over the course of
the age groups. However, even though experienced workers are older and have
impressive ‘corporate memory’, reducing the rate of job turnovers and
decreasing levels of job absence, inconsistencies, and sick leave (Economics and
Finances 2013, pp. 56-58). Historically this is counterbalanced by lowering
levels of education of experienced (older) workers and the decreasing mental
and physical culminating abilities, leading to more accidents (DEWR 2008, p.
172). If it became apparent that there is possible connection between
productivity and age, Australia should expect the level of productivity in
older workers to produce more work and general level of productivity.
As this view becomes more apparent,
Productivity Commission (2014) and the state Treasury (2015) predict consistent
productivity increase of 1.85% moreover conduct delicate analyses below and
above the likes of this level. As for future growth predictions, productivity
significance should never be underestimated. It may seem to be minimal in terms
of annual growth of productivity differences, will significantly influence,
long-run per capita GPD. The Productivity Commission (2014, p.33) for example,
projects a reduction of annual productivity growth across 2009-10 to 2043-2045
of 0.09%, this will lead the Australian economy to increasingly worse by $700
billion (2009-2010 constant prices).
The size of future labour productivity may
have possibility for optimism. Primarily, productivity could increase as the
level of education is becoming higher due to more exposer in citizens (Teghtsoonian 2009,
pp.29-31), of which ‘estimate’ 2.3% annual growth in productivity situated on
the future of propagated education. Weidmann (2015) emphasize this
information in terms of (ICT) communication technology by building upon
capital-deeping effects by improving productivity growth. For example,
Investments by the ICT are expected to bring older workers capacity to
productively contribute by decreasing physiological capacity demands. Weidmann
(2015) further suggest the growth of labour productivity and force are quite
correlated negatively; as the growth of forced labour decreases, organizations
will focus more on increasing the performance in productivity, leading to
increased general output.
Policy is a vital role in terms of the
proceeding analysis. The challenge in policy will inspire growth in
productivity. ICT private investment should have been commended, and even
incited by investment of public infrastructure, for example the broad band
scheme. This could optimize ICT investment returns, wide educational ICT
projects possibly should be carried out and aimed at the technologically
illiterate. This could help the elderly to work longer to bring more income
into the Australian Economy. Pharmaceuticals, public expenditure sector
on health and aged care are predicted to increase as the population ages. Such
expense pressures, connected with projected increases in the amount of pension
payment transfers, establishing an important challenge for the future of
economic policy (Treasury 2014).
Once said changes can be implemented,
fiscal deficits could be run by governments to sustain the increasing debt
levels (Figures 12 and 11). This is objectionable since it raises the burden on
sources of savings. On the other hand, an increase in taxes from the
governments could make up for short comings. Alternatively this is an
undesirable approach as it decreases investments and work effort throughout,
therefore economic and productivity growth leading to ‘an assault on incomes’
of youthful workers (Keating 2011, pp.87).
The most appropriated answer, and for the
economic policy challenge, would be to advance the governmental sector position
of sustainability to prepare for the future. The sector of which sustains the
public could continue to create a position across different government
levels to build up a net asset to
counterbalance projected government fund demands, leading to an improved level
of nation gross savings. A fund, for example in a Future Fund model, which
could be developed to protect medicine finances or develop the projected growth
in health costs, specifically in correlation with the Benefit Pharmaceutical
Scheme (Treasury, 2011). To commend this policy, the health should be more of a
responsibility and consolidated at a federal level within the government, of
which an estimate suggests that will result in an annual benefit of $22 Billion
(Hailey, 2009).
In the upper section examined projected growth and productivity changes in correlation with Australia’s labour market ageing. This section is proceeding with analyzing dynamic effects with future growth and productivity performance in a capital market.
In the upper section examined projected growth and productivity changes in correlation with Australia’s labour market ageing. This section is proceeding with analyzing dynamic effects with future growth and productivity performance in a capital market.
In understanding levels of investments, they're are
required to sustain capital per unit leading to declines in effective labour.
Actual investments are sustained over the course of time as the economy
progresses at a steady-rate of per worker capital. As value of the positive is
marginal for the productivity of labour with the account to capital as a whole,
Productivity per worker – output – increases. Figure 10 represents this
graphically. Not only is this result intuitive, but also rather simple, due to
the general complexity of the dynamic demographic factors affecting the
variable levels of acclimating capital the economy sustainability. Reflect on
the question if Australia could widen capital investment or sustain the amount
of required savings to fund the investment. A hypothesis by Brumberg (1954)
brought up that in terms of a function as wealth, savings increase when until
retirement, then decrease as the individuals savings fall victim to consumption
of finance. All else equal, as citizenry age, mass savings shall decrease
minimizing the level of available funds for investment capital.
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